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Engaged through much of that century in a fierce battle for national identity and survival, Vietnamese historians and their international sympathizers focused intently on the grand narrative of national struggle against China, France, and America. Only recently has a new generation of historians been able to explore the political and cultural complexities of relations between the myriad peoples who have inhabited the Indo-Chinese peninsula without having to consider the effect of their words on national struggle.

The book opens new insights into the ways in which a Vietnamese identity interacted over a thousand years with Chinese, Cham, Khmer, French, and stateless peoples of the peninsula.

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It reveals a history that not only is the point of intersection of East and Southeast Asia but also is itself variegated and open to multiple possibilities.

There is another sense in which this book transcends borders. What was written in China and Japan was largely unknown to Western scholars. This book represents a continuing dialogue between historians trained or partly trained in ViӾt Nam, China, Japan, Korea, and Australia as well as in the United States. Without contrivance this volume demonstrates the way in which research on Vietnamese history has necessarily, at last, become lich pe hinh thanh forex international conversation.

Of course, this broadening of the agenda of Vietnamese history to some extent follows a global trend.

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Although the pressures of nationalism were extreme in ViӾt Nam, especially in the third quarter of the last century, the interest in redeeming nonnational actors, networks, and movements from obscurity has been proceeding everywhere. The nation as historical subject, a natural and given assumption glorified by many great thinkers from the eighteenth to the early twentieth century, is now in trouble. The following overview of the historiography of precolonial ViӾt Nam places the new work in this volume within the context that preceded it.

Introduction 5 The Historiographical Debate with China Vietnamese history writing was born out of the millennial grappling with the problem of its stronger neighbor, erstwhile colonizer, and literary model to the north.

The literati of the TrӞn and Lê dynasties thirteenth and fifteenth centuries dealt with this problem by seeking an ancient genealogy for Vietnamese autonomy.

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By tracing Vietnamese origins to the Shen Nong ThӞn Nông Emperor, the second of the three golden rulers of heaven,4 and creating a mythology of creation independent of the Hán, Ngô SË Liên constructed an identity of Vietnamese that was equal if not superior to the Chinese. Camille Briffaut, whose La cité annamite sought to locate Vietnamese uniqueness in the village, nevertheless traced its origins to the Chinese village.

Key figures in this endeavor were the Maspéro brothers, whose scholarship helped to distinguish China and the Southeast Asian polities. Henri Maspéro wrote prolifically on Chinese history and institutions, while his younger brother, Georges, produced scholarship identifying Annamite, Cambodian, and Cham uniqueness.

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Champa and Cambodia were emphatically part of this Southeast Asia, while the Vietnamese state had a more complex and ambivalent relationship to it. The dominant themes became a distinct, non-Chinese origin, the homogeneity of Vietnamese culture, and the southward-expansion nam tiӶn, nan jin explanation for the development of national borders.

Although Vietnamese nationalists created this narrative, the first generation of ViӾt Nam historians in America built on it for their own reasons. The first generation of Vietnamese scholars to write in quԈc-ngԦ script and in a nation-centered historical idiom drew deeply on both the French colonial writings and the older imperial chroniclers while being influenced by reformist and nationalist models in China and Japan.

A crucial transitional figure in this and other respects was Phan BԐi Châu, Confucian scholar and anti-French nationalist, lich pe hinh thanh forex political philosophy evolved from dynastic reformation to national liberation.

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From toscholars from the North and the South each continued to produce histories claiming their respective countries to be legitimate heirs of the great national tradition. The ability of the LӘc to resist complete domination and to fuse the best of Chinese culture with local custom paved the way for independence and the unique Vietnamese culture that developed in the tenth century, Khôi argued.

The reaction against first French and later U. In seeking to explain to a bewildered U. Even scholars with training in classical Chinese, video de strategie cu opțiuni turbo as Alexander Woodside, O.

Wolters, and his student John K. Whitmore, found characteristics of Vietnamese political organization and culture that resembled observed lich pe hinh thanh forex in the rest of Southeast Asia.

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She argues that NguyӼn Trãi and Lê LԚi were profoundly influenced by HԊ administrative reforms, and their vision of government based on moral righteousness conflicted with indigenous visions of leadership and order. Describing ViӾt Nam as a crossroad of the Southeast Asian crossroad, Woodside highlights the means by which the NguyӼn rulers refined the Chinese model to fit local circumstances, particularly in foreign relations.

He highlighted the emergence of a new Vietnamese consciousness lich pe hinh thanh forex the period of Chinese rule, the success of this consciousness in ejecting the Chinese in the tenth century, and the distinctive cultural forms that were later manifest.

The neatness of this nam tiӶn narrative, however, was undermined by the fact that much of this expansion was attributable to the NguyӼn family during a period of civil war.

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Nationalist and socialist historians of the older school tended to portray the early Lê period to as the pinnacle of Vietnamese imperial history and the following period of division between de facto TrԂnh rulers in the north and NguyӼn in the south as a two-centurylong aberration. The nam tiӶn framework was destiny, the political fragmentation only temporary.

The Lê success in the fifteenth century in driving out the Ming, establishing centralized control, reorganizing the state on a new fiscal basis, and acquiring Cham land through military victories distinguished this dynasty as the greatest in Vietnamese history.

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The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were typically portrayed as a period in which the rival TrԂnh and NguyӼn families usurped opțiune binară opteck power.

From then on, the mountains and the rivers were separated, South and North divided— that was a distinct period in the history of [the] country.

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The perpetrators of the division of the lands and the waters were not them but the TrԂnh and the MӘc families. To justify nationalist understandings of the uniqueness of Vietnamese culture and society, Vietnamese and Western scholars created an identity myth that transcended time and space. The notion that a multiethnic southern realm developed apart from the northern state contradicted the myth that ViӾt Nam was a distinct whole since time immemorial, only torn asunder by poor administration and voracious regents and generals.

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Cham and Cambodian history ended where Vietnamese history began. The defeat of technologically advanced American forces by Vietnamese guerilla fighters suggested a cultural cohesiveness Western historical writings sought to explain and celebrate. A third generation of historians trained at Cornell and the Australian National University cautiously deconstructed the framework their teachers had done much to build.

A key figure in promoting the new revisionism has been Keith Taylor, both through his own scholarly transition and the students he has influenced at Cornell University. A consequence of this emphasis on the localization theme in Vietnamese history has been the revision of dynastic orthodoxy and the nam tiӶn narrative, taken yet further in several chapters of this book.

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Most essays in this book are marked by an interest in crossing borders and exploring ambiguities. They seek to document voices that have been ignored or marginalized, whether those of women, subalterns, or cosmopolitan misfits. They consult the official documents of the state narrative but also exploit local, legal, Buddhist, Christian, Chinese, Thai, and a variety of European documents.

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They build gratefully on the foundations laid by their predecessors and teachers, but their interpretive frameworks leave more open ends, windows, and adjoining corridors than previous work. In chapter 1, Phan Huy Lê provides a masterful summary of the existing scholarship on land-holding patterns in the village over several centuries.

As he demonstrates, the role of the village as both a revolutionary base and a symbol of Vietnamese identity make it a suitable focus for historians.

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The most substantial precolonial records at village level in Southeast Asia in turn make innovative work possible. By introducing new local empirical evidence, she demonstrates the nuanced character of the inheritance regime in the Lê Code. This region was a world of multiple competing ports until the late eighteenth-century rise of Bangkok gave it supremacy in the gulf, while Sài Gòn became more securely part of the Vietnamese world.

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